The dictator principle

 By locating socialism in the wider field of the democratic revolution, we have indicated that the political transformations which will eventually enable us to transcend capitalist society are founded on the plurality of social agents and of their struggles.

 Thus the field of social conflict is extended, rather than being concentrated in a ‘privileged agent’ of socialist change. This also means that the extension and radicalization of democratic struggles does not have a final point of arrival in the achievement of a fully liberated society. There will always be antagonisms, struggles, and partial opaqueness of the social; there will always be history. The myth of the transparent and homogeneous society—which implies the end of politics—must be resolutely abandoned.

Will the last worker kindly piss off

  the three fundamental points on which we consider it necessary today to go beyond the theoretical and political horizon of Marxism. The first is a philosophical point which relates to the partial character of Marx’s ‘materialism’, to its manifold dependence on crucial aspects of the categories of traditional metaphysics.

 In this respect, as we have tried to show, discourse theory is not just a simple theoretical or epistemological approach; it implies, by asserting the radical historicity of being and therefore the purely human nature of truth, the commitment to show the world for what it is: an entirely social construction of human beings which is not grounded on any metaphysical ‘necessity’ external to it—neither God, nor ‘essential forms’, nor the ‘necessary laws of history’.

Another state funeral

 " . . . societies with a State Truth. Hence, while the radical democratic imaginary presupposes openness and pluralism and processes of argumentation which never lead to an ultimate foundation, totalitarian societies are constituted through their claim to master the foundation. Evidently there is a strong danger of totalitarianism in the twentieth century, and the reasons are clear: insofar as dislocatory effects dominate and the old structures in which power was immanent dissolve, there is an increasing tendency to concentrate power in one point from which the attempt is made ‘rationally’ to reconstruct the ensemble of the social fabric. 

Radical democracy and totalitarianism are, therefore, entirely opposite in their attempts to deal with the problems deriving from dislocation and uneven development.. . . "

The 1917 Proyect

 But we do need to deal with his assertion that it is an axiom that socialism should be democratic. [27] 

The fact is that for any person who does not live on Mars, the relation between socialism and democracy is axiomatic only in Geras’s mind. Has Geras ever heard of Stalinism, of the one-party system, of press censorship, of the Chinese Cultural Revolution, of the Polish coup d’état, of the entry of Soviet tanks into Prague and Budapest? 

And if the answer is that nothing of the kind is true socialism, we have to be clear what game we are playing. There are three possibilities. The first is that Geras is constructing an ideal model of society in the way that the utopian socialists did. Nothing, of course, prevents him from doing so and from declaring that in Gerasland collective ownership of the means of production and democracy go together; but in that case we should not claim to be speaking about the real world. 

The second possibility is to affirm that the authoritarian States of the Soviet bloc represent a transitory and necessary phase in the passage towards communism. This is the miserable excuse that ‘progressive’ intellectuals gave to support the worst excesses of Stalinism, from the Moscow trials onwards. 

The third possibility is to assert that these states are ‘degenerate forms’ of socialism. However, the very fact that such ‘degeneration’ is possible clearly indicates that the relation between socialism and democracy is far from being axiomatic.. . ."

Socialism or dictatorship. We report. You deride.

Abstract nonsense

 " . . .  this radical relationalism of Marx is immediately translated into idealistic terms. ‘It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness.’ [18] This could be read, of course, as a reintegration of consciousness with existence, but the expression could not be more unfortunate, since if social existence determines consciousness, then consciousness cannot be part of social existence. [19] 

And when we are told that the anatomy of civil society is political economy, this can only mean that there is a specific logic—the logic of the development of productive forces—which constitutes the essence of historical development. In other words, historical development can be rationally grasped and is therefore form.

 It is not surprising that the ‘Preface’ to the Critique of Political Economy depicts the outcome of the historical process exclusively in terms of the contradiction between productive forces and relations of production; nor is it surprising that class struggle is entirely absent from this account. All this is perfectly compatible with the basic premises of Hegelianism and metaphysical thought. . . "

" . . . a relation of determination is transformed into a relation of limitation. Our text does not assert that the State in capitalist society is not relatively autonomous, but rather, that we cannot conceptualize ‘relative autonomy’ by starting from a category such as ‘determination in the last instance by the economy’.

Hamas 1 Marxism 0

" . . .  fervently denying that there any anti-Semitic motivation behind the programme or action of Hamas. When our article points out that the 1988 Hamas Charter refers approvingly to the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, Drakula replies that is merely trawling “back decades through their takes to find some anti-Semitic materials as a ‘gotcha’”. But while in 2017 Hamas published a new charter which expunges the more overtly anti-Jewish passages in the original[5], and argues that its dispute is with Zionism and not Jews as such, it has refused to renounce the original document which it refers to as part of its history.. . ."

Karl Marx, Capital, Volume One, Part II: The Transformation of Money and Capital CHAPTER FOUR: THE GENERAL FORMULA FOR CAPITAL: "The capitalist knows that all commodities, however scurvy they may look, or however badly they may smell, are in faith and in truth money, inwardly circumcised Jews  . . ."

Full development of productive forces!

 https://panews.io/articles/01a12025-6dbd-775b-8e25-477c53093ae8

October 9 that the CPC Central Committee and the State Council issued the "Opinions on Developing New Quality Productive Forces." 

The opinions mention fully implementing the "AI+" initiative. They call for advancing the transformation of traditional industries through artificial intelligence, and accelerating the scenario-based application of a new generation of intelligent terminals such as intelligent connected new energy vehicles, AI phones and computers, and humanoid robots. They also call for accelerating innovation in digital and intelligent technologies such as artificial intelligence, making breakthroughs in basic theories and core technologies, and strengthening the efficient supply of computing power, algorithms, and data. National pilot bases for AI industry applications and high-value application scenarios should be laid out according to local conditions and with industry-specific measures, vigorously promoting the application of artificial intelligence across various industries. A system for technology monitoring, risk early warning, and emergency response should be established to ensure that artificial intelligence is safe, reliable, and controllable.

The opinions mention making forward-looking plans for future industries. They call for exploring diverse technological routes, typical application scenarios, viable business models, and market regulatory rules, and promoting the development of future industries such as quantum technology, biomanufacturing, hydrogen energy and nuclear fusion energy, brain-computer interfaces, embodied intelligence, and sixth-generation mobile communications, so as to accelerate the formation of a relatively complete industrial ecosystem. 

A mechanism for investment growth and risk sharing in future industries should be established, existing fiscal policies should be fully leveraged to support the development of future industries, and social capital should be guided to continuously increase investment.